Idealism and pragmatism have long competed with each other in American foreign policy, forcing hard choices and sometimes leading to disappointment. There was a time in the 1990s when the collapse of the Soviet Union appeared to pave the way for a universal political and economic order, but that delusion soon gave way to the more complex world we live in today, in which liberal democratic ideals—often in well-functioning democracies – sometimes seem at odds with the popularity of strongman leaders, the desire for security or power xenophobia or grievances.
For America's presidents and policy makers, this is a challenge; it is no longer enough to fight for liberal democratic ideals and rely on the rest of the world to follow suit. Tutoring any country, be it a global power like Russia or China or a regional power like Turkey and Saudi Arabia, can reinforce autocratic tendencies; engagement can, at least sometimes, lead to further dialogue and room for diplomacy. Advancing the American ideal requires being pragmatic and even accommodative when our democratic partners fall short of the mark – and being humble about the weaknesses of the United States as well.
Take the example of India, and the confusion it has created for Washington, which was seen during Prime Minister Narendra Modi's state visit this week.
India is a democracy where the world's largest electorate is openly and freely exercising its basic right to choose its leader. Its population is the largest in the world, and its economy is now the fifth largest in the world; his the vast diaspora wields enormous influence, especially in American business. With a history of close ties with Moscow, a long and sometimes contested border with China, and a strategic location in a highly volatile environment, India is destined to become an important player in geopolitics for decades to come. Mr Modi, prime minister since 2014, commands extremely high popularity ratings and a secure majority in his Parliament, and is in the enviable position of leading a country with a relatively young and growing population.
While India has a long history of being wary of America — for the most part military equipment comes from the Soviet Union and Russiaand preferring to avoid getting directly involved in the US-China rivalry — senior American officials believe that India's views of the United States have fundamentally improved in recent years.
This is partly due to the dynamic work of the Indian diaspora, partly through greater strategic partnerships, and partly due to the increasing interest of American companies in India as an alternative to China for expansion in Asia. India has joined the United States, Japan and Australia in “Quad”, an informal group that seeks to counter China's increasingly assertive behavior in the Indo-Pacific region. And hundreds America's business and industry leaders will gather to meet Mr. Mods this week. Visits are expected to cover a major deal to build American jet engines in India and sell American drones.
So it's not hard to understand why the Indian leader is getting the rock star treatment in Washington, from his state dinner at the White House to his speech on Capitol Hill. President Biden rightfully acknowledges the potential of America's partnership with India using all the symbolism and diplomatic tools at his disposal.
But Mr Biden cannot ignore another, equally important, change in India over the past nine years: Under Mr Modi and his right-wing, Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party, India has witnessed a serious erosion of civil and political rights and guaranteed democratic freedoms. by the Indian Constitution. Mr Modi and his allies have been accused of targeting and discriminatory policies against religious minorities, especially India's 200 million Muslims, and use state power to punish opponents and silence critics. Raids on political opponents and dissenting voices became frequent; the mainstream news media has dwindled; the independence of the courts and other democratic institutions has eroded — all because of a chorus of acknowledgments from the BJP that it acts strictly within the law.
In March, a court in Modi's home state sentenced opposition leader Rahul Gandhi to two years in prison for defaming the prime minister; although Mr. Gandhi has not been jailed, the sentence is headed his way expulsion from Parliament, and would likely prevent him from running again. Earlier, in January, Modi's government used emergency legislation to limit access to a BBC documentary that re-examined damning allegations that Modi played a role in deadly sectarian violence in Gujarat State 20 years ago, when he was chief minister there. As this editorial board warns, “When populist leaders use emergency legislation to block dissent, democracy is in jeopardy.”
This remains true, and Mr. Biden and every other elected official and business leader meeting with the Indian delegation this week must ensure that discussion of shared democratic values is on the agenda.
That may be a tough order. Modi has displayed a sharp intolerance for criticism and perhaps still harbors resentment from nearly 10 years since he was effectively banned from traveling to the United States over allegations of “gross violations of religious freedom” over the Gujarat violence. (He has repeatedly denied involvement, and visa ban repealed by the Obama administration when Mr. Modi becomes prime minister.) A public tirade from the White House, especially as the United States grapples with its own threats to democracy, will do nothing but anger the Indian public.
Nevertheless, Mr. Biden and other American officials must be willing to have candid, if sometimes uncomfortable, discussions with their Indian counterparts. America's struggles themselves are simple proof that even the most established democracies are not immune to problems. As noted by Human Rights Watch in a letter to Mr. Biden: “US officials can show how the US political system itself struggles with toxic rhetoric, while working to maintain an open and free media. These topics can be discussed openly and diplomatically in both directions.”
The confusion is not limited to India. How the United States manages its relationship with the “elected autocracy”, from Poland's Law and Justice government to Benjamin Netanyahu's right-wing coalition in Israel to Recep Tayyip Erdogan's government in Turkey, is one of the most important strategic questions in American foreign policy. The leaders of these countries and others will be watching closely how the Biden administration handles this much-needed but increasingly autocratic Asian democracy.
The administration also faces the problem that Donald Trump's democratic credentials in the United States have been tainted by Donald Trump and the possibility that he will return to the White House in the near future. Politics Mr. Trump has been publicly hailed as an inspiration by many elected autocrats – including Mr. Modi, whose charm Mr. Trump likened to Elvis Presley's at a rally in Houston on an official visit in 2019.
President Biden knows, through his years in public service, that there will always be points of friction even in the closest partnerships between countries, never mind in relationships with leaders who have very different worldviews. And senior US administration officials say the administration is keenly aware of the weaknesses of the Modi government. But they believe that India's vital role on the global stage supersedes worries about a single leader. Far better, they said, to raise concerns in private; and they insisted they had brought it up in many difficult conversations, and said they would bring it up in this week's meeting with Mr Modi.
It is important that they are raised. India has formed a large and complex democracy out of a rich collection of people, languages and religious traditions, and is achieving a more prominent role in global affairs.
But it is also important to make clear that intolerance and repression contradict everything that Americans admire in India, and threaten the partnership with the United States that its prime minister is actively seeking to strengthen and deepen. America wants and needs to embrace India; but Mr Modi must not be left without illusions about how dangerous his autocratic tendencies are, to the people of India and to the health of democracy in the world.